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Latest Publications

Latest Publications

  • This paper draws on several previous papers published by the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU), and is a general overview and update of what is provided there in greater detail with close analysis of policy statements and relevant legislation, which support the views given here. The defining characteristic of Zimbabwes indigenisation policy has been the wide disjuncture between the law (as it is), government pronouncements of the law (as they would like the public to believe it to be) and the policy in practice. The disjuncture between the first two signalled that the caprice of officialdom, rather than the rule of law, was to hold sway with regard to resource nationalism in Zimbabwe. This paper will not only help you understand, but also see the indigenisation exercise from new perspectives.

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    Lawlessness & Indigenisation in Zimbabwe

    (Governance Programme)
  • Based on the experiences and observations of selected womens groups, this exploratory investigation recently concluded by the RAU shows that greater coordination of election processes in Zimbabwe is still needed. The study, which undertook focus group discussions with 45 women, sought to assess the formers evaluation of the 2013 elections with a view to see if the past challenges faced by women faced in previous elections also prevailed in July 2013. Key findings of the study relate to concerns over voter education, voter registration, voting, the general electoral environment and expectations by the public of those declared as winners.

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    Darned, Damned or Doomed

    (2013 Elections)
  • There is an imperative need for steps to be taken in order to break with the legacy of the past, insist on the rule of law, foster a climate of human rights observance, and find ways to address the ills and hurts of the past in ways that foster peace and reconciliation. A fundamental pre-requisite for any strategy to achieve these aims is that it will be citizen-based and victim- survivor driven: unless a strategy is based in the consensus of the citizenry as a whole it will be unlikely to achieve these goals. It is also imperative to distinguish between a national peace and reconciliation strategy and transitional justice: the former can include transitional justice, but equally may exclude this.

    Here, we must note that there are two institutions that can deal with these processes, a Human Rights Commission [HRC] and a National Peace and Reconciliation Commission [NPRC], with different mandates and, neither will likely be dealing with the human rights violations of the extended past. Any strategy dealing with transitional justice will have to negotiate between these two institutions, and may well fall between two stools for lack of any constitutional basis for transitional justice or any statutory body to effect this. It may be possible the the current political context may mitigate against this, and, given that any process of transitional justice (and peace and reconciliation) is usually a one-shot effort for any country, perhaps this is a more time for extensive discussion and not precipitate action. This paper lays out a suggested strategy.

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    The Development of a National Transitional Justice Strategy

    (Transitional Justice)

Featured

  • Media Release: An examination of the vote in the July 2013 Election

    Report seeks to fathom the source of over 1.03 million more votes garnered by Mugabe in 2013,...

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  • Media Release: SiMuka! A boost for Zimbabwean women’s participation in politics

    Women’s participation in electoral and governance processes is dependent on the creation of a...

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