The bouhaha around Keith Guzah's nomination as a candidate for Hurumgwe West is based upon a single misconception of the law - that a non-party list candidate for the National Assembly must be registered in the constituency in which he or she intends to stand. ZEC has had no coherent response to the criticism because it too has repeatedly misapplied the law in this regard. The Electoral Act does NOT require that a non-party list candidate for the National Assembly must be registered in the constituency in which he or she intends to stand.

During the period of the Inclusive Government civil society overlooked the opportunity to move away from their preoccupation with political transition to its more conventional role of reflecting citizen voice and pushing for reform31. Zimbabwe has been a very polarized country over the last decade and party politics governed supreme. This has been a weakness not only at the national level, but markedly in local government, and it has affected civil society as well. A culture of political intolerance and fear has reigned and this needs to change.

Citizenship, active citizenship, and social capital are either highly contested in, or wholly absent from, the socio-political discourse in Zimbabwe. Subsequently citizen status has become a privileged status, with government redefining citizenship in ways that exclude a range of minorities. What the risk averse “conception of civic life” and” trust‟ means for our understanding of social capital is problematic.

It is very foolish when Zimbabweans, 110 of them, and most members of the Government since 2000, or high-ranking members of the security forces, or ranking members of ZANU PF, decide to sue the European Union for “falsely” placing restrictive conditions on them, and on some of their companies.

An important error has been noted in the previous posting of the this article. The article erroneously retained the phrase "one of whom shall be a woman" in the part of section 32 relating to the appointment of the Vice-Presidents. This phrase has of course been removed. There is no longer a requirement that one Vice-President be a woman. Our apologies to readers for the confusion caused.

Fractious nature of the main political parties in Zimbabwe since the July, 2013 elections has resulted in numerous suspensions and expulsions of party members, schisms in the parties and has meant that there has been frequent recourse to subsections 129(1)(k) and 129(1)(l) of the national Constitution. These subsections have been subject to a variety of interpretations and inconsistently implemented. This paper sets out the circumstances in which the subsections have had application post the 31st July, 2013 elections and considers some legal aspects pertaining to the provisions.

This paper is an analysis of the chain of command within Zimbabwe's Security Sectors

The constitutional issues related to the death (or infirmity) of the President have been dealt with in several reports by RAU. In these reports it was noted that there are arguably two valid interpretations of the provisions in the State Constitution in this regard - one is that a nominee of ZANU PF is simply appointed as the successor to President Mugabe, the other is that both Houses of Parliament sit together as an Electoral College and elect a nominee of ZANU PF as successor.

This paper suggests that SADC, in its relationship with Zimbabwe, behaves like a drunk who insists on looking for keys under a street light because that is the only place he can see clearly. The paper suggests that there are other ways of approaching the Zimbabwe crisis other than through the ill founded enthusiasm for a unity government.

The MDC has long been suspicious of any claim by Thabo Mbeki to be an honest broker in the Zimbabwe crisis, having raised concerns in this regard from the moment South Africa showed itself willing to endorse the fraudulent elections of 2000. Recently, calls by the MDC for Mbeki to recuse himself as a facilitator to an accord between the parties have grown louder. Given the track record of the Mbeki administration towards Zimbabwe and Robert Mugabe, the only cause for any surprise is that Mbeki should have been allowed to occupy the position of facilitator at all.


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