After its five year term, the Seventh Parliament of Zimbabwe - which existed during the life of the Global Political Agreement - was widely believed to have been ineffective. This motivated a need to analyse whether the Seventh Parliament was in reality an idle body or it performed its role to the best of its ability, under the circumstances. This paper is first of a three part series of an intensive analysis of the performance of the Seventh Parliament in its last year of tenure from June 2012 until June 2013.

This paper analyses presidential powers under the proposed new constitution and the extent to which they have been limited in any way when compared to the extant constitution

The manner in which the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) conducted the 31st July, 2013 general election has been the subject of much discussion. This report, coming as it does sixteen months after the poll, may seem outdated. However, several events over this period make it necessary to highlight and bring to the fore once more ZEC’s conduct of the 2013 ballot.

It is seems doubtful that there has been any progress since July 2013 in addressing the conditions specified in Article 9 of the Cotonou Agreement, and certainly no progress in the areas of human rights, rule of law, and democratic principles. This report analyses the implementation of the Cotonou Agreement, focusing on Zimbabwe and queries the decision of the EU to ease the restrictive measures imposed on Zimbabwe in light of the failure of the Zimbabwean government to adhere to the benchmarks which had been set as a precondition in this regard.

This paper analyses the bill of rights in the proposed constitution for the country and considers whether the bill is an improvement on the extant constitution.

This paper deconstructs the Zimbabwe government's claim that Zimplats has been forced to indigenise and has surrendered 51% of its shares to indigenous Zimbabweans. It further examines whether Zimplats has any legal obligation to surrender these shares.

The Constitution provides that the appointment of service chiefs are made “by the President after consultation with such person or authority as may be prescribed by or under an Act of Parliament.” Relevant Acts of Parliament (the Defence Act and Police Act) set out the manner of appointment and persons or bodies to be consulted. Since the advent of Zimbabwe’s Inclusive Government, and for so long as such “unity” Government subsists, an important addendum has been added to these provisions.

In the early to mid-2000s, ZANU PF began to exploit the possibility of co-opting traditional leaders as allies in the campaign for rural control, adopting a carrot and stick approach. Chiefs were encouraged to exercise the extensive powers over rural communities that had been restored to them by way of the Traditional Leaders Act (see below), and were threatened with removal from their positions or discontinuance of state allowances if those under their jurisdiction voted against ZANU PF.

This article considers the partially re-introduced system of proportional representation under Zimbabwe's 213 Constitution and discusses how the different systems of proportional representation may yield different results.

When election fever begins to afflict Zimbabwe, there are usually two major issues that have emerged strongly: an end to political violence and intimidation, and the lack of a wholly independent electoral machinery. Both have been shown to underpin the four flawed elections held since the 2000 Constitutional Referendum.


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