An important error has been noted in the previous posting of the this article. The article erroneously retained the phrase "one of whom shall be a woman" in the part of section 32 relating to the appointment of the Vice-Presidents. This phrase has of course been removed. There is no longer a requirement that one Vice-President be a woman. Our apologies to readers for the confusion caused.
The State Constitution provides that if President Mugabe dies or retires while in office, a nominee of ZANU PF will serve out his remaining term. The nominee so appointed as State President is likely to be whoever ZANU PF chooses to take over as President and First Secretary of the Party. Thus the manner in which the ZANU PF Party President is chosen, is a matter of national, and not merely party, interest.
At ZANU PF’s 6th National People’s Congress amendments were purportedly made to the Party Constitution which changed the way in which all members of the Party Presidium, including the President, are to be appointed. The Presidium comprises the President, two Vice-Presidents and National Chairman. However, quite evidently, these amendments were not validly made. The article discusses the amendments to the constitution and various illegalities both in the making of the amendments and in the implementation of the Party Constitution at Congress and shortly thereafter.
It is seems doubtful that there has been any progress since July 2013 in addressing the conditions specified in Article 9 of the Cotonou Agreement, and certainly no progress in the areas of human rights, rule of law, and democratic principles. This report analyses the implementation of the Cotonou Agreement, focusing on Zimbabwe and queries the decision of the EU to ease the restrictive measures imposed on Zimbabwe in light of the failure of the Zimbabwean government to adhere to the benchmarks which had been set as a precondition in this regard.
The manner in which the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) conducted the 31st July, 2013 general election has been the subject of much discussion. This report, coming as it does sixteen months after the poll, may seem outdated. However, several events over this period make it necessary to highlight and bring to the fore once more ZEC’s conduct of the 2013 ballot.
This research report presents the findings of case study research with youth in six locations in Zimbabwe, carried out within the Power, Violence, Citizenship and Agency (PVCA) programme. It shows how young people experience growing up as citizens in a country known for its repressive regime, and highlights the differences for young men and young women
This report is a follow-up to the preliminary report produced by the Women’s Trust (TWT) and the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU) in early 2014 on the effectiveness of the SiMuka! Zimbabwe, Woman, Get Counted! Register to Vote! in getting women to register to vote and to vote. This report goes further to note that whilst it is encouraging to see women turn out to vote in elections, and even more gratifying to see that the turn out can be strongly increased by woman to woman advocacy, there is always need to conduct a reality check on the actual process of the election and its outcome. This report investigates whether what happened before, during and after the elections affects women’s views of the elections and whether this differs for women in urban areas as for women in rural areas.
At the root of Mugabe’s approach to the law is the notion that rules, including the national constitution, its subsidiary laws, and indeed, the ZANU PF party constitution are not inviolable. With this attitude as the foundation of governance by successive Mugabe-led regimes, the whole edifice of legality and constitutionalism has crumbled. For example, Mugabe and ZANU PF hold the new constitution to be a mere guideline that the government may adhere to at some unstated time in the future, rather than a sacrosanct document the provisions of which require immediate, absolute and fearful compliance.The paper analyses this approach and comments upon the attempt to have Gideon Gono, the former Reserve bank governor and Mugabe's personal banker, elevated to the senate, probably with a view to appointing him as a Minister.
The paradigm for understanding power developed by John Gaventa (2006), can be very helpful in unraveling the ways in which power operates in Zimbabwe. And, in particular, the ways in which these forms of power operate at the macro and meso levels of Zimbabwean socio-political life to facilitate the continuance of one particular regime in political power. Additionally, the paper seeks to demonstrate how these forms of power facilitate violence through the use of state power.
The somewhat provocative title of this report conceals an extremely serious issue with Zimbabwean politics. The theme of succession, both of the State Presidency and the leadership of ZANU PF,
increasingly bedevils all matters relating to the political stability of Zimbabwe and any form of transition to democracy. The paper analyses both the provisions in Zimbabwe's national constitution with regards to succession to the presidency - which currently provides that the party of the incumbent (ZANU PF) will chose the successor to serve the remaining term of office - and the constitution of ZANU PF and the provisions therein for succession to the party leadership.
Report produced by the Research & Advocacy Unit in partnership with the Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association (ZWLA). This report documents real accounts and the lived experiences and conditions subjected to 20 women activists who were incarcerated having been on the front lines of defending human rights and fundamental freedoms in Zimbabwe.
The Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 15.09.2008 was welcomed by women as it acknowledges the equality between men and women and recognizes women’s role in nation building and the abuses they suffered in the process, and continue to suffer, but it must be noted that women’s representation at the negotiations which led to this agreemenbt was minimal and the issues affecting women were primarily decided by men. What remains to be seen is how the clauses in the GPA will be implemented and what real impact it will have on women’s lives. The GPA does not look at women as a specific group, but, under Articles 7(a) and(d), combines them with the other generic groupings - race, age, gender and political affiliation.This suggests that the parties have not regarded women as a particularly vulnerable group in a time of crisis, which they obviously are. This has to be acknowledged in the implementation of the clauses in the GPA that relate to the position of women