If the Zimbabwe courts do not hold to absolute adherence to constitutionality, then this can create concerns for investors that their investments might not be protected under the law. The judgments in the case of the unlawful appointment of 10 more Ministers than the Constitution allowed, and the dismissal of the Speaker illustrate an unhealthy tendency for the courts to act politically, and not constitutionally.
Every year, on 10 October, the world commemorates World Mental Health Day to remind us that mental health is such an important issue. This year, more so due to the Covid-19 pandemic, this has particular importance with the additional stress that living with the pandemic has caused.
There is a question knocking around about how best to characterise the nature of the Zimbabwean state, a question that gets more urgent every week. The government’s view is that it is a state in trouble, but trouble induced by external pressures, and generally, in response to criticism about how poorly the country is doing, respond by blaming sanctions and the hostility to the land reform process. Zimbabwe, without doubt, incurs more than its fair share of international attention, just as Rhodesia did before Independence, but, as before Independence, not without reason. However, and just like the pre-Independence government that was fighting “communism” (and hence blameless), the forty-year-old Zimbabwe government does not accept in any way that it must take the blame for the parlous state of the nation: rather it blames all the problems on external forces, opposition political parties, and, since November 2017, on the legacy of Robert Mugabe.
This policy brief explores the need for an action plan in Zimbabwe to actuate the Maputo Protocol and increase the women’s peace and security in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. It explains the rationale behind the Maputo Protocol and examines the possibilities for its application in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic affecting Zimbabwe.