Protecting schools and children during election 21 June 2018

In 2009, the Research and Advocacy Unit in collaboration with the progressive Teachers‘ Union of Zimbabwe carried out a study to document the experiences of violence that teachers experienced in Zimbabwe especially around 2000 and beyond. The study was aimed at highlighting the extent and impact of violations on the education sector and how schools had become to resemble ―war zones‖ especially around elections to the detriment of the entire education sector. The study was also aimed highlighting the plight of the Educators vis-a-viz political activities and push for a policy declaring schools as zones of safety.Schools, schooling and teachers are a fundamental part of a nation‘s fabric, having critically important roles in developing the workforce and social capital of the future. Multiple studies demonstrate the crucial role that education plays in development. All societies desiring to develop economically, and have a strong, stable citizenry, place high priority on education. Zimbabwe is no different and has received endless praise for the investment by government in education. However, like health, education needs the constant support of the government and the citizenry in order to continue to provide the skilled workers and committed citizens of the future. For this reason, it is always critical to protect education from attack

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RAU 2015 Zim since the 2013 elections

This paper is a review of developments since the Harmonised elections in 2013, and builds on a previous analysis issued at the end of 20131.The 2013 elections marked the end of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) and the Inclusive Government, and a period of moderate economic stability, and a decided lessening in political violence, but a near complete failure to put in place all the reforms agreed by the political parties under the GPA. Whilst in retrospect this was not unexpected, given that the GPA was more in the nature of a peace accord rather than a genuine transitional instrument, for some the outcome was not a surprise. However, whilst some commentators were inclined to take a benevolent view of the prospects under the GPA2, others were more cynical in suggesting that reform was improbable, and that there was need for a strong concentration by civil society (and the opposition parties) for insisting on the reformation of state institutions ahead of what would be highly contested elections, and quite possibly violent elections

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Sexual Violence Against Women, Justice and the Right to Protection.

Considerable documentation is available on the Zimbabwean crisis, written by both local and international organizations, but there is very little written about the women‘s experiences, or the crisis from women‘s perspective. Women have different experiences on the crisis from men and therefore they will have different views on how it should be resolved. In 2009, the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU) began a campaign to end politically motivated violence against women, which was kick started by a video Hear Us: Women Affected by Political Violence in Zimbabwe Speak Out. This was launched in Harare but has had a global outreach. Subsequently a petition, signed by over 1500 people, was submitted to the International Relations Department of the South African government to investigate violence against women in keeping with the articles of the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development; South Africa was the then Chair of The Southern African Development Community (SADC) as well as the SADC Facilitator on the Zimbabwean crisis

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Social Capital and Active Citizenship in Zimbabwean Youth

One of the major areas of concern about youth worldwide has been the increasing preoccupation with the changes in demography, mostly in the under-developed world, the so-called “youth bulge”. The relevance for any consideration of youth and citizenship is the evidence for the alienation of youth and their subsequent involvement in violence and crime. Urdal (2004) pointed out that, contrary to Huntington, there was no evidence for a critical threshold in youth demography above which youth violence was inevitable, but that youth bulges did increase the risk of domestic armed conflict, particularly when associated with economic stagnation. Subsequent work

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What Determines Agency in Young Zimbabwean Women

The participation of women generally in the social and political life of Zimbabwe is strongly required by the amended Constitution of the country. The Constitution, in Section 3 (Founding Principles), Section 13 (National Development), Section 17 (Gender Balance), and Section 80 (Rights of Women), makes it explicit that the state must strive for equality of men and women.
The reality, however, is different, as was so comprehensively demonstrated in the just-completed national elections. Not only was there no change from 2013 in the number of women directly elected to the National Assembly, but the number of women elected to local government seats dropped by 3%, from 16% in 2013 (RAU & IYWD. 2018 (a)). Even more

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